Mais sobre o selo de Isaías

Scholars should remind the media that the best constructs of the data are usually the result of a slow, methodical, scholarly process… (Christopher A. Rollston)

Isaiah bulla from Ophel, Jerusalem, with hypothetical identification of other letters by Eilat Mazar (Illustration: Reut Livyatan Ben-Arie/© Eilat Mazar; Photo by Ouria Tadmor/© Eilat Mazar)

Recomendo os textos de Christopher A. Rollston, da Universidade George Washington, Washington, D.C., USA:

:. The Putative Bulla of Isaiah the Prophet: Not so Fast – 22 February 2018

The Old Hebrew bulla excavated by Dr. Eilat Mazar, and published in Biblical Archaeology Review (March-May 2018) in an article entitled _Is this the Prophet Isaiah’s Signature(pages 65-73, notes on page 92) is of much interest.

Numerous stamp seals and bullae have been discovered in the Iron Age Levant. For a synopsis of the use and significance, see the article entitled “Seals and Scarabs” (Volume 5, pages 141-146 in _The New Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible_, Nashville, Abingdon Press, 2009, available via my www.academia.edu page).

This new bulla consists of three registers. Much of the top portion of this bulla is missing (including much of the top register), so the bulla is not fully preserved. The first register has no legible letters (although some iconography is preserved). The second register of the bulla reads “L-yš‘yh[w].” The third register has three preserved letters: “nby.”

Although cautious, it is stated in the press release and in the article itself that this bulla (a lump of clay that has been impressed by a seal) may say “Belonging to Isaiah the Prophet” (note that the lamed [L] at the beginning of the bulla is best translated “belonging to,” and the personal name after this lamed is the personal name “Isaiah” (with the Yahwistic theophoric mostly preserved). The third register, as noted, has the letters nby. Note also that the first the two Hebrew consonants for the word “prophet” are nun and bet, that is, nb).

It would be nice if this bulla did refer to the prophet Isaiah of the Bible, but it would not be wise to assume that this bulla definitely reads that way or that it definitely refers to Isaiah the prophet. In this regard, I very much applaud Dr. Mazar for not assuming that this bulla is definitively that of Isaiah the prophet. That is, the operative word is “may.”

In any case, here are briefly some of the reasons for my methodological caution regarding the assumption that this is a bulla associated with Isaiah the Judean prophet of the eighth century:

:. The Isaiah Bulla from Jerusalem: 2.0 – 23 February 2018

The Old Hebrew bulla excavated by Dr. Eilat Mazar, and published in Biblical Archaeology Review (March-May 2018) in an article entitled _Is this the Prophet Isaiah’s Signature(pages 65-73, notes on page 92) is of much interest, as noted in my previous post on this subject.

Date: this inscription putatively dates to the 8th century or the early 7th century. That is, I would emphasize that the script is the script of the late 8th or early 7th century BCE, and there is no way to be more precise than that. And, of course, the archaeological context is not such that the date can be stated to be only the 8th century. Ultimately, a date in the late 8th century is permissible, but so is a date in the early- to mid- 7th century. We must be candid about that.

In any case, within this post, I wish to emphasize certain things that I mentioned in the previous post and also especially to flesh out some of the possibilities for the second word, that is, word, or word fragment, that is present on the third register: nun, bet, yod. As with my previous post, this will be done in brief. I will publish a full journal article on this bulla at a later date in the near future. In any case, my view is that this second word could be a patronymic (in which case this bulla is certainly not Isaiah the Prophet’s as his father was Amoz), a title, or a gentilic.

:. The ‘Isaiah Bulla’ and the Putative Connection with Biblical Isaiah: 3.0 – 26 February 2018

I here posting some additional details about this bulla, especially regarding the three letters on the third register, heavily incorporating data from my previous two blog posts. Note that this third blog post is the basis for a forthcoming article in a traditional publication venue (i.e., a print publication, rather than just a blog).

(…)

Discussion of Bulla
__
Material: Impressed Clay.

Condition of Bulla: Partially Broken.

Reading of Bulla: First Register: Partially broken, fragmentary iconograhic element; Second Register: L-yš‘yh[w]; Third Register: nby. Note the absence of bn “son of” (but note that this morpheme is sometimes absent from patronymics in the epigraphic record).

Thus, the bulla reads “Yešayahu, nby”

NB: The word that follows the first personal name on a seal (and, thus, a bulla) is normally: a patronymic, a gentilic (descriptor), or a title.
__
Date: this inscription putatively dates to the 8th century or the early 7th century. That is, I would emphasize that the script is the script of the late 8th or early 7th century BCE, and there is no way to be more precise than that. And, of course, the archaeological context is not such that the date can be stated to be only the 8th century. Ultimately, a date in the late 8th century is permissible, but so is a date in the early 7th century.
__
Potential Problems with understanding nby on the third register as prophet, that is, potential problems with assuming that the third register is to be understood as reading: nby[’]:

Leia Mais:
Isaías o profeta? Provavelmente não
Entrevista com Eilat Mazar

Isaías o profeta? Provavelmente não

Estudiosos agem de modo irresponsável quando encorajam reportagens sensacionalistas da mídia. Mesmo sendo mais tarde desmentidas, para muitas pessoas, determinadas hipóteses já se transformaram em certeza.

Isaiah bulla from Ophel, Jerusalem, with hypothetical identification of other letters by Eilat Mazar (Illustration: Reut Livyatan Ben-Arie/© Eilat Mazar; Photo by Ouria Tadmor/© Eilat Mazar)

Em Jerusalém, uma descoberta recente de um selo com o nome “Isaías”. Polêmica e sensacionalismo. Uma boa síntese, fotos e links podem ser vistos em:

Why “Isaiah” of the Isaiah Bulla is not the Prophet Isaiah – Deane Galbraith – Remnant of Giants: February 24, 2018

Artigo da arqueóloga Eilat Mazar:

Is This the Prophet Isaiah’s Signature? – By Eilat Mazar – Biblical Archaeology Review 44:2, March/April May/June 2018

Bloggers on the Isaiah Bulla – Jim Davila: PaleoJudaica.com – February 25, 2018

Leia Mais:
Perguntas mais frequentes sobre o profeta Isaías

Uma história do judaísmo

Um livro recebido com muito entusiasmo por especialistas na área.

GOODMAN, M. A History of Judaism. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018, 656 p. – ISBN 9780691181271.

GOODMAN, M. A History of Judaism. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018, 656 p.

In this magisterial and elegantly written book, Martin Goodman takes readers from Judaism’s origins in the polytheistic world of the second and first millennia BCE to the temple cult at the time of Jesus. He tells the stories of the rabbis, mystics, and messiahs of the medieval and early modern periods and guides us through the many varieties of Judaism today. Goodman’s compelling narrative spans the globe, from the Middle East, Europe, and America to North Africa, China, and India. He explains the institutions and ideas on which all forms of Judaism are based, and masterfully weaves together the different threads of doctrinal and philosophical debate that run throughout its history.

Martin Goodman é Professor de Estudos Judaicos na Universidade de Oxford, Reino Unido.

Leia mais sobre o livro no site da editora.

Qual era a aparência de Jesus?

Jesus de Nazaré é, sem dúvida, o homem mais famoso que já existiu. Sua imagem está por toda parte. Ele é o tema de milhões de objetos devocionais e obras de arte.

Mas qual era a aparência de Jesus de Nazaré? Qual era a cor de sua pele? E sua altura? O que ele vestia?

Para responder a esta questão, já por outros abordada – confira a reconstrução digital feita pela BBC aqui e aqui -, a estudiosa das origens cristãs Joan E. Taylor examina, em livro recente, as evidências históricas e as imagens predominantes de Jesus na arte e na cultura.

Os evangelhos não dizem se ele era alto ou baixo, se bonito ou não, se frágil ou forte… À primeira vista, nada de especial o distinguia dos outros. Lucas 3,23 fala de sua idade apenas: “Ao iniciar o ministério, Jesus tinha mais ou menos trinta anos“, o que também é impreciso, sabemos hoje.

Em geral, não percebemos estas lacunas nos evangelhos porque, graças a todas as imagens de Jesus que temos, pensamos que conhecemos sua aparência. Mas o Jesus que reconhecemos tão facilmente é o resultado da história cultural. Será que se encontrássemos Jesus de Nazaré na rua, um judeu da Palestina do século I, seríamos capazes de reconhecê-lo?

Diz Joan E. Taylor em seu artigo What did Jesus really look like, as a Jew in 1st-century Judaea? (publicado em The Irish Times em 9 de fevereiro de 2018):

In the Gospels, he is not described, either as tall or short, good-looking or plain, muscular or frail. We are told his age, as “about 30 years of age” (Luke 3:23), but there is nothing that dramatically distinguishes him, at least at first sight.

We do not notice this omission of any description of Jesus, because we “know” what he looked like thanks to all the images we have. But the Jesus we recognise so easily is the result of cultural history. The early depictions of Jesus that set the template for the way he continues to be depicted today were based on the image of an enthroned emperor and influenced by presentations of pagan gods. The long hair and beard are imported specifically from the iconography of the Graeco-Roman world. Some of the oldest surviving depictions of Jesus portray him as essentially a younger version of Jupiter, Neptune or Serapis. As time went on the halo from the sun god Apollo was added to Jesus’s head to show his heavenly nature. In early Christian art, he often had the big, curly hair of Dionysus.

The point of these images was never to show Jesus as a man, but to make theological points about who Jesus was as Christ (King, Judge) and divine Son. They have evolved over time to the standard “Jesus” we recognise.

So can we imagine Jesus appropriately in terms of the evidence of the 1st century?

O livro

TAYLOR, J. E. What Did Jesus Look Like?  London: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2018, 288 p. – ISBN 9780567671509.

TAYLOR, J. E. What Did Jesus Look Like? London: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2018, 288 p.

Jesus Christ is arguably the most famous man who ever lived. His image adorns countless churches, icons, and paintings. He is the subject of millions of statues, sculptures, devotional objects and works of art. Everyone can conjure an image of Jesus: usually as a handsome, white man with flowing locks and pristine linen robes.

But what did Jesus really look like? Is our popular image of Jesus overly westernized and untrue to historical reality?

This question continues to fascinate. Leading Christian Origins scholar Joan E. Taylor surveys the historical evidence, and the prevalent image of Jesus in art and culture, to suggest an entirely different vision of this most famous of men.

Confira mais sobre o livro aqui e aqui.

Overall, then, we can arrive at a general image of Jesus as an average man: he was probably around 166 cm (5 feet 5 inches) tall, somewhat slim and reasonably muscular, with olive-brown skin, dark brown to black hair, and brown eyes. He was likely bearded (but not heavily, or with a long beard), with shortish hair (probably not well kept) and aged about 30 years old at the start of his mission. His precise facial features will, nevertheless, remain unknown.

A autora esboça uma imagem de Jesus mais ou menos assim: ele provavelmente tinha cerca de 1,66 m de altura, um pouco magro e razoavelmente musculoso, com a pele oliva, cabelo castanho escuro a preto e olhos castanhos. Ele provavelmente usava barba escura, curta e desleixada, e estava na faixa dos 30 anos no início de seu ministério. E se vestia de maneira muito simples. Suas características faciais precisas, no entanto, permanecem desconhecidas.

Jesus, em esboço de Joan Taylor, What Did Jesus Look Like? London: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2018, p. 192 (Figure 76)

Joan E. Taylor publicou recentemente dois artigos sobre este tema:

:. What did Jesus really look like, as a Jew in 1st-century Judaea? – The Irish Times: February 9, 2018

:. What did Jesus wear? – The Conversation: February 8, 2018

Joan E. Taylor é Professora de Origens Cristãs e Judaísmo do Segundo Templo no King’s College de Londres, Reino Unido.

Veja uma resenha do livro por Jim West, publicada em 09.02.2018, aqui.

Diz ele:

The title of the book poses a question:  what did Jesus look like?  At first blush it may seem that the aim of the book is to answer that question of the man known as Jesus of Nazareth but in fact the question, more fully stated, which this book addresses is far more comprehensive than merely wondering what Jesus of Nazareth looked like.  It wonders how Jesus has been imagined through the entire history of Christianity.  What did Jesus look like to the Byzantines?  What did he look like to Europeans?  How has he been portrayed in art and icon? The result of Taylor’s incisive study is a spectacular survey (…) Jesus, with lice…   This book is genius.  A term I am not used to using of books, or most authors and scholars.  But here it applies to both book and scholar.  Pure genius.  Read it and you’ll not regret a page of it.

Um tempo de magia e milagres: a aurora do cristianismo

Pesquisando as origens do cristianismo, este livro analisa por que foi que as pessoas,  primeiro na Judeia e, em seguida, no mundo mediterrâneo romano e grego, tornaram-se suscetíveis à nova religião. Robert Knapp procura respostas em uma ampla exploração de religião e vida cotidiana de 200 a.C. até o final do século primeiro d. C.

KNAPP, R. The Dawn of Christianity: People and Gods in a Time of Magic and Miracles. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017, XVI + 303 p. – ISBN 9780674976467.

KNAPP, R. The Dawn of Christianity: People and Gods in a Time of Magic and Miracles. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017, XVI + 303 p.

Exploring the origins of Christianity, this book looks at why it was that people first in Judea and then in the Roman and Greek Mediterranean world became susceptible to the new religion. Robert Knapp looks for answers in a wide-ranging exploration of religion and everyday life from 200 BC to the end of the first century.

Survival, honour and wellbeing were the chief preoccupations of Jews and polytheists alike. In both cases, the author shows, people turned first to supernatural powers. According to need, season and place polytheists consulted and placated vast constellations of gods, while the Jews worshipped and contended with one almighty and jealous deity.

Professor Knapp considers why any Jew or polytheist would voluntarily dispense with a well-tried way of dealing with the supernatural and trade it in for a new model. What was it about the new religion that led people to change beliefs they had held for millennia and which in turn, within four centuries of the birth of its messiah, led it to transform the western world? His conclusions are as convincing as they are sometimes surprising.

Robert Knapp is Professor Emeritus of Classics at the University of California, Berkeley. Confira mais aqui.

Leia a resenha de Giovanni Alberto Cecconi, Università degli Studi Firenze, Italia – Bryn Mawr Classical Review 2018.02.20.

Septuaginta

“Habitando um número considerável de judeus em nosso território (…) e desejoso de lhes ser agradável (…), nós decidimos mandar traduzir vossa Lei do hebraico para o grego, para termos estes livros também em nossa biblioteca, com os outros ‘livros do rei’” (O rei Ptolomeu II Filadelfo ao sumo sacerdote Eleazar, segundo a Carta de Aristeias a Filócrates, séc. II a.C.). 

RAHLFS, A. ; HANHART, R. (eds.) Septuaginta. Editio altera. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2007.

Em 2006 a International Organization for Septuagint and Cognate Studies (IOSCS) estabeleceu o dia 8 de fevereiro como International Septuagint Day (Dia Internacional da Septuaginta), uma data para celebrar a Septuaginta (= LXX, Setenta) e incentivar seu estudo.

Para a origem da Septuaginta, recomendo o início de meu artigo Quem somos nós? Falam autores judeus antigos.

Li dois interessantes textos de Tavis Bohlinger, com bibliografia no final do segundo:

BOHLINGER, T. The Origin of the LXX. theLAB – The Logos Academic Blog – February 8, 2018

BOHLINGER, T. The Influence of the LXX. theLAB – The Logos Academic Blog – February 9, 2018

E duas entrevistas:

Interview with Dr James K. Aitken – Interaction of Traditions: February 8, 2018

International LXX Day: An Interview with T. Muraoka – William A. Ross: Septuaginta &C. – February 8, 2018

Leia Mais:
Estudos sobre a Septuaginta em 2016
LXX Resources
LXX Scholar Interviews

As diferentes tradições do hebraico bíblico

Uma visão abrangente e sistemática dos diferentes períodos, fontes e tradições da língua hebraica bíblica.

GARR, W. R. ; FASSBERG, S. E. (eds.) A Handbook of Biblical Hebrew. Volume 1: Periods, Corpora, and Reading Traditions; Volume II: Selected Texts. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2016, 370 p. – ISBN 978-1575063713.

GARR, W. R. ; FASSBERG, S. E. (eds.) A Handbook of Biblical Hebrew. Volume 1: Periods, Corpora, and Reading Traditions; Volume II: Selected Texts. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2016, 370 p.

Biblical Hebrew is studied worldwide by university students, seminarians, and the educated public. It is also studied, almost universally, through a single prism – that of the Tiberian Masoretic tradition, which is the best attested and most widely available tradition of Biblical Hebrew. Thanks in large part to its endorsement by Maimonides, it also became the most prestigious vocalization tradition in the Middle Ages. For most, Biblical Hebrew is synonymous with Tiberian Biblical Hebrew.

There are, however, other vocalization traditions. The Babylonian tradition was widespread among Jews around the close of the first millennium CE; the tenth-century Karaite scholar al-Qirqisani reports that the Babylonian pronunciation was in use in Babylonia, Iran, the Arabian peninsula, and Yemen. And despite the fact that Yemenite Jews continued using Babylonian manuscripts without interruption from generation to generation, European scholars learned of them only toward the middle of the nineteenth century. Decades later, manuscripts pointed with the Palestinian vocalization system were rediscovered in the Cairo Genizah. Thereafter came the discovery of manuscripts written according to the Tiberian-Palestinian system and, perhaps most importantly, the texts found in caves alongside the Dead Sea.

What is still lacking, however, is a comprehensive and systematic overview of the different periods, sources, and traditions of Biblical Hebrew. This handbook provides students and the public with easily accessible, reliable, and current information in English concerning the multi-faceted nature of Biblical Hebrew. Noted scholars in each of the various fields contributed their expertise. The result is the present two-volume work. The first contains an in-depth introduction to each tradition; and the second presents sample accompanying texts that exemplify the descriptions of the parallel introductory chapters.

Outra opção interessante:

SÁENZ-BADILLOS, A. Storia della lingua ebraica. Brescia: Paideia, 2007, 384 p. – ISBN 9788839407351.

Lembrando que:

O texto hebraico já está fixado no século II d.C. Nos séculos seguintes os escribas copiam novos rolos, procurando limitar os erros de transcrição ao mínimo. Para a compreensão correta do texto eles começam a fazer anotações nas margens, assinalar palavras duvidosas etc. No século V entram em ação os chamados massoretas. O termo vem do hebraico masar = “transmitir” e os massoretas são os “transmissores” do texto. Além de fazer anotações sobre o texto, estes sábios judeus sentem a necessidade de vocalizá-lo e acentuá-lo, para se obter um texto mais uniforme e fixo. Neste processo cada escola segue um método diferente, como a oriental, sediada na Mesopotâmia e a ocidental, na Palestina. Depois de muitas peripécias, prevalece a escola de Tiberíades (Palestina) aí pelo ano 900 d.C. E em Tiberíades as famílias Ben Neftali e Ben Asher. Desta última temos dois manuscritos importantíssimos: o manuscrito massorético mais antigo, Codex do Cairo, escrito e vocalizado por Moisés ben Asher, data do ano 895, mas só contém os profetas (anteriores e posteriores). O mais precioso é, porém, o Codex de Aleppo, quase completo, escrito e vocalizado por Aarão ben Moisés ben Asher, até 930. Pertencia à sinagoga de Aleppo e é salvo da destruição em 1948, sendo levado para Israel. Um terceiro manuscrito importante é o Codex de Leningrado, baseado nos manuscritos de Aarão ben Moisés ben Asher. Este contém todo o AT e é escrito em 1008. A melhor edição crítica que possuímos hoje – que é a Bíblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia – baseia-se principalmente neste manuscrito [nota 2 de Os essênios: a racionalização da solidariedade].

Leia Mais:
O Hebraico
Lista de manuscritos do AT disponíveis online

Sobre as visões no livro do profeta Amós

O artigo

New Perspectives on Amos: The Vision Reports in 7:1–8:2 

By Göran Eidevall – Professor of Hebrew Bible – University of Uppsala, Sweden

The Bible and Interpretation – January 2018

To sum up, I contend that the vision reports in Amos 7–8 cannot be dated to the 8th century. Rather, they appear to be literary products from the post-monarchic period. But why would someone add such “pseudepigraphic” material, presented as visions seen by Amos himself? I suggest, and here I agree with Georg Steins, that the vision reports represent profound theological reflections, in an attempt to cope with the catastrophe that took place in 586 BCE.

Em síntese, sustento que as narrativas de visões em Amós 7-8 não podem ser datadas no século VIII a.C. Na verdade, elas parecem ser uma produção literária pós-monárquica. Mas por que alguém acrescentaria este material “pseudepígrafo” como sendo visões tidas pelo próprio profeta Amós? Eu sugiro, e aqui concordo com Georg Steins, que as narrativas de visão representam profundas reflexões teológicas na tentativa de lidar com a catástrofe ocorrida em 586 a.C.

O livro

EIDEVALL, G. Amos: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2017, 312 p. – ISBN 9780300178784.

EIDEVALL, G. Amos: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2017, 312 p.

As part of the Hebrew Bible, the Book of Amos has been studied for more than two thousand years. This much-needed new edition includes an updated English translation of the Hebrew text and an insightful commentary. While previous scholarship speculated on reconstructions of the life of Amos, Eidevall analyzes this prophetic book as a literary composition, rejecting the conventional view of the book of Amos’s origin and providing a new rationalization for the form and meaning of the text.

Göran Eidevall, Professor de Bíblia Hebraica na Universidade de Uppsala, Suécia

Em meu livro A Voz Necessária: encontro com os profetas do século VIII a.C. [2011, download pdf] escrevi nas páginas 37-38:

Muitos especialistas acreditam que para se captar bem a mensagem de Amós devemos começar sua leitura pelas cinco visões simbólicas, narradas em Am 7,1-3; 7,4-6; 7,7-9; 8,1-3; 9,1-4. Isto porque estas visões constituiriam os sinais que o profeta percebe no cotidiano da vida e que simbolizam a situação da nação israelita. O que acaba determinando sua decisão de anunciar o castigo e a ruína do país, dizem alguns[1].

Quer dizer: de certo modo, as visões preenchem, em Amós, o mesmo papel dos textos de vocação em Isaías, Jeremias ou Ezequiel.

“Trata-se de uma trajetória vocacional. Amós percorre todo um caminho visionário. As próprias visões deixam entrever isso, com bastante nitidez. A visão dos gafanhotos (cf. 7,1-3) cabe no início do ano agrícola. A da seca (cf. 7,4-6), em pleno verão. A do cesto (cf. 8,1-3), dá-se no outono. Estas visões cobrem, no mínimo, meio ano. Talvez seja o perí­odo em que Amós é preparado, de modo incisivo, para seu ministério”, observa M. Schwantes[2].

Amós nestes episódios via, quem sabe, coisas absolutamente normais, do cotidiano – exceto o último episódio, o da queda do santuário -, mas de um ponto de vista novo, profético, tornando-as símbolo da realidade maior, mais significativa[3].

Notas:

1. Cf. SCHÖKEL, L. A. ; SICRE DIAZ, J. L. Profetas II. 2. ed. São Paulo: Paulus, 2002, p. 984-985. Outros autores, entretanto, afirmam que as visões aconteceram após o início de sua pregação, e tentam reconstruir cronologicamente a evolução de sua pregação e de seu pensamento. Outros, ainda, colocam as visões após a atividade profética de Amós, quando ele teria voltado para Judá.

2. SCHWANTES, M. A terra não pode suportar suas palavras (Am 7,10): reflexão e estudo sobre Amós. São Paulo: Paulinas, 2012, p. 38 [cf. também as páginas 183-203]; cf. Idem, Jacó é pequeno. Visões em Amós 7-9.  2. ed.  RIBLA, Petrópolis/São Paulo/São Leopoldo, n. 1, p. 81-92, 1990.

3. “O profeta é um vidente na medida em que ele, em todas as coisas, mediante estas e acima destas, vê Iahweh, Deus de Israel e Senhor do mundo, operando e no ato de vir”, diz FUEGLISTER, N. Arrebatados por Iahweh: anunciadores da palavra. História e estrutura do profetismo em Israel. In SCHREINER, J. (ed.) Palavra e Mensagem. São Paulo: Paulus, 1978, p. 196.  C. MESTERS observa no seu Deus, ondes estás? 5. ed. Belo Horizonte: Vega, 1976 [16. ed. Petrópolis: Vozes, 2010], p. 48, que na medida em que o profeta vive integrado na vida do povo, tudo o que ele vê o faz lembrar-se da situação de injustiça em que vive o povo. “São os fatos que começam a falar. Tudo se torna apelo. Assim, pouco a pouco, cresce uma consciência em Amós. Já MAILLOT, A. ; LELIÈVRE, A. Atualidade de Miqueias: Um grande “profeta menor”. São Paulo: Paulus, 1980, p. 26, garantem que “é este ver em profundidade, este ver, que ultrapassa o acidental e atinge o essencial, que os profetas sentiram como uma ‘visão'”.